It has been repeatedly said in this thread that the death of America will come from disease X (caught in a compromising or uncompromising position). Paradoxically, the premonitions of America’s imminent demise are, on the one hand, considered the malady and, on the other, the cure: compromise.
Let me take issue with the morbid premise of the diagnosis. To paraphrase Dickens, I believe --with apodictic certainty, that the reports of America's impending death have been greatly exaggerated. This is certainly a case wherein the forecasters need only await another chance to vote, in yet another election, whereby all will let off some uncompromising steam and get some of what they want.
To quote the de Tocqueville of West Hollywood, The Dude: America abides!
Winchester, all you're saying is that you don't like the Obama administration's priorities, and don't want the Democrats' legislative agenda to succeed. That's fine, but it has nothing to do with compromise. If there were a compromise on offer that moved the situation closer to your political priorities, you would be in favor of it. You don't object to compromise at all; that's a red herring.
This is a mostly correct interpretation of what I’ve been trying to say. The red herring comment is a constructive criticism that helps me to pinpoint an idea I’ve tried to communicate and have thus far failed to do so adequately, which is:
The real red herring regarding the politics of compromise is being offered by Obama and the Democrats, and they’re doing it in several ways (or at several levels.)
First, they represent the idea of compromise as if it is an inherently good thing, thereby implying that any refusal to compromise is a bad thing. This is a false choice. Compromise is just one tool in the toolbox. Compromise, in and of itself, is no more “good” or “bad” to a politician than a hammer is to a carpenter. There are times when it is appropriate and there are times when it is not.
Second, by suggesting that compromise is a bad thing they imply that compromise should be valued more highly than principle. This too is a false choice. The principles of our founding should never be compromised.
Third, their idea of compromise seems to be to settle for only most of what they want (e.g., they had to “compromise” for a version of Obamacare that was not everything they wanted because the public option was not included in it.) It’s as if they propose to cut the legs off our founding principles, and then “compromise” by saying “OK, we’ll only take one leg.” ( And then they hope to come back later to take the other one.) One leg or two, neither choice is acceptable.
In every instance Obama and the Democrats use the notion of "compromise" to divert attention from the real issue(s). It's just one big red herring designed and intended to avoid having to defend their progressive agenda and show how and why it does not undermine and erode our founding principles because such a defense is impossible. It simply can’t be done, and so their only option is to foist one huge red herring they call "compromise" on all of us.
__________________
It ain't what you don't know that gets you into trouble. It's what you know for sure that just ain't so.” – Mark Twain
Where, exactly, is the center on these issues? I mean, the last election indicates its much further away from the left than they would prefer but is it anywhere that an effort at 'compromise' might be be successful?
In January, the Pew Research Center asked Americans to prioritize 21 issues. Americans were most concerned about the economy. But the greatest partisan gap, like the year before, was over "providing health insurance to the uninsured." It was a "top priority" to one quarter of Republicans. It was a "top priority" to three quarters of Democrats
Democrats' five most partisan issues: health care, the environment, aiding the poor, education and securing Medicare. In short, maternal.
Republicans' five most partisan issues: strengthening the military, illegal immigration, influence of lobbyists, terrorism and the moral breakdown. In short, paternal.
The term 'compromise' implies that differences are minor and if good faith is shown by both parties, a happy and productive end can be achieved - none of which is true, unfortunately, though it does have such a nice ring to it.
And I'll take the newbies - the inept crooks - over those supposed policy wonks, the ones that didn't/couldn't/wouldn't read Obamacare, etc., before they bent over and trundled off the plank.
Winchester, all you're saying is that you don't like the Obama administration's priorities, and don't want the Democrats' legislative agenda to succeed. That's fine, but it has nothing to do with compromise. If there were a compromise on offer that moved the situation closer to your political priorities, you would be in favor of it. You don't object to compromise at all; that's a red herring.
Abyss, BigG, geeps: In my view, we don't pay enough attention to policy knowledge. Politicians have to vote on a number of complex issues, and they need to take the time to understand the problems. New politicians take a while to get up to speed; they simply don't know enough about the issues they need to vote on. For that reason, they are vulnerable to unelected lobbyists. As much as I might dislike politicians, I dislike lobbyists a hundred times more. I'd rather have my legislature in the hands of politicians, who can be voted out, than lobbyists, who can't.
Because of California's term limits, which I opposed when they were enacted and still oppose, California's legislature has, for many issues, been captured by lobbyists. In my view, this is a bad result, to be opposed.
I don't see how it's illuminating to pick a legislative result you dislike-- in this case laws intended to compensate for perceived inequalities among different classes of people-- and say it is a result of legislative compromise, and therefore legislative compromise is bad.
This is a good point. I should have been more clear.
It’s not so much compromise in itself that I object to. It’s the kind of compromise that takes us further away from our founding principles rather than closer to them.
The thing is, in my view the current political environment is a contest between our founding principles and the ideas of progressivism which tend to undermine and erode those principles.
If I'm right in this characterization of today's political environment, then I think it follows that virtually all compromise results in moving us closer to progressivism, and therefore farther away from our founding principles. It is from that perspective that I object to the current "Politics of Compromise."
__________________
It ain't what you don't know that gets you into trouble. It's what you know for sure that just ain't so.” – Mark Twain
may I remind you that the grand idea of the founders was equality for everyone who happened to be white and male.
There are many problems with this widely held conventional wisdom.
One problem with it is that it confuses the founding principle of equality with the people and the society which formally claimed it. I stand by my paraphrasing of the principle: Equality means one set of laws that applies, and is applied, the same for all people.
Another problem with it is that, while it does contain a kernel of truth, it is such a gross oversimplification that it amounts to a falsehood that, as historian Bernard Bailyn said, "inverts the proportions of the story." (full quote below)
Other problems related to it are more general in nature, having more to do with the general notion of “conventional wisdom” than with any single statement of it. Nonetheless they do go directly to some key points of my own personal perspectives on politics and are a direct response to some of the comments in this thread and others.
First, we tend to think and communicate with one-liners like the one I quoted above. The problem with this is that one-liners tend to be the intellectual equivalent of concluding what an assembled jigsaw puzzle looks like after examining only a single piece. We eschew context in favor of isolated facts, statements, and conventional wisdom that is not so wise; we eschew critical thinking in favor of glib Power Point bullets. (This is partial explanation, by the way, for why so many of my posts tend to be long. The full story of any idea seldom lends itself to communication by Power Point.)
Second, the immediate blame for all of this lies with K-12 education in America, which, when it comes to our founding principles, promotes glibness over critical thinking, and favors the resulting falsehoods over the truth. The ultimate blame lies with all of us for letting ourselves and our culture to get to this point.
I think part of the solution to all of these problems is for each of us to spend less time reading and listening to each other with the aim of finding logical technicalities and verbal “gotchas” and more time reading and listening for the purpose of understanding the key ideas, themes, and principles that the other is trying to convey. When it comes to the education of our young about our founding principles I think we need to hold K-12 education to the same standards.
Here are some quotes from noted historians that help to illustrate what I’m talking about.
many of our leading sophisticates today would rather talk about the Founders' failures. Instead of the victories they won on 'behalf of freedom, we hear loud complaints about their supposed racism, sexism, and elitism. The Founding Fathers, we are told, did not really believe that "all men (and women) are created equal."Washington and Jefferson owned slaves. Women and the poor were excluded from voting. So how can we take seriously the Founders' supposed belief in human equality?
These arguments are well entrenched in the conventional wisdom of our time. They are repeated endlessly in the media and in popular books, by professors [and textbooks] and politicians,… … It is surprisingly easy to show that these claims are false. We will see that the Founders believed that members of these supposedly "excluded groups"[blacks, poor, women] really are "created equal." (By the term "Founders," I mean those who served in notable public offices from about 1765 to 1800, especially the authors of constitutions, laws, and other important public documents.) We will see that George Washington was correct to call his political convictions "liberal." We will see that the Founders were sincere in their professions of the rights of humanity and their commitment to popular government. We will also see that their actions were consistent with their opinions. The Revolution clearly improved conditions for blacks, women, and the poor.
The above is from "Vindicating the Founders,” by Thomas G. West, professor of politics at the University of Dallas and a senior fellow at the Claremont Institute.
[At the time of our founding] Everywhere in America the principle prevailed that in a free community the purpose of institutions is to liberate men, not to confine them,and to give them the substance and the spirit to stand firm before the forces that would restrict them. To see in the Founders' failure to destroy chattel slavery the opposite belief, or some self-delusive hypocrisy that somehow condemns as false the liberal character of the Revolution-to see in the Declaration of Independence a statement of principles that was meant to apply only to whites and that was ignored even by its author in its application to slavery, and to belieye that the purpose of the Constitution was to sustain aristocracy and perpetuate black bondage-is, I believe, to fundamentally misread the history of the time.
To condemn the founders of the Republic for having tolerated and perpetuated a society that rested on slavery is to expect them to have been able to transcend altogether the limitations of their own age. … To note only that certain leaders of the Revolution continued to enjoy the profits of so savage an institution and in their reforms failed to obliterate it inverts the proportions of the story. What is significant in the historical context of the time is not that the liberty-loving Revolutionaries allowed slavery to survive, but that they-even those who profited directly from the institution-went so far in' condemning it, confining it, and setting in motion the forces that would ultimately destroy it.”
The above is from an essay by Bernard Bailyn, in the book “Essays on the American Revolution.” Bailyn won the Pulitzer Prise for his book “The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution.”
It ain't what you don't know that gets you into trouble. It's what you know for sure that just ain't so. – Mark Twain
__________________
It ain't what you don't know that gets you into trouble. It's what you know for sure that just ain't so.” – Mark Twain
As for adapting the Constitution over time, the Founding Fathers adapted it themselves! After all, the Bill of Rights were amendments, not built into the original document.
It's amazing to me that some of the things Tea Partiers claim to want are things that we had at the beginning, but which failed abysmally. Having the states decide to follow or not follow a federal law, for instance. That was a disaster we got rid of when we got rid of the Articles of the Confederation. Also term limits for Congress - that was tried in Pennsylvania early on, and they got rid of it because it didn't work.
Is it that people don't know we already went down these paths, or do they just want to try again regardless?
The left is in an uproar. In the wake of the president's capitulation on the public option, tough financial regulations and Bush tax cuts for the rich, a wailing chorus sees President Obama as unprincipled and spineless, a serial compromiser who never drew a line in the sand he wouldn't later erase.
It's a given the author feels this way but I'm curious as to the numbers of the "left", the ones that really feel this way: one out of ten? Twenty?
Equality before the law means jack if those laws were set upon an incredibly unequal society. Are you saying that the United States circa the era of the Founding Fathers was an equal society?
It's a complete joke to pretend that the United States began and functioned as an equal society. Even now, it's unequal and still needs a great deal of tinkering.
I don't see how it's illuminating to pick a legislative result you dislike-- in this case laws intended to compensate for perceived inequalities among different classes of people-- and say it is a result of legislative compromise, and therefore legislative compromise is bad.
All laws, the ones you like as well as the ones you dislike, are the result of compromise. And may I remind you that the grand idea of the founders was equality for everyone who happened to be white and male. I'd say moving to a more inclusive idea of equality was an improvement-- and plenty of legislative compromise was involved in that struggle.
The idea of compromise sounds great in a Rodney King, “can’t we all just get along” sort of way. But history shows that “compromise” in Congress takes us almost exclusively in one direction and one direction only: away from our founding principles, and toward the soft despotism that de Tocqueville foresaw.
For example, the founding principle of equality requires one set of laws for everyone. The opposing principle of equality accepts the idea of laws intended to compensate for perceived inequalities among different classes of people. The two ideas are mutually exclusive. The result of virtually every “compromise” between the two to date has been to take us closer to the latter at the expense of the former.
de Tocqueville observed that “A great many persons at the present day are quite contented with this sort of compromise between administrative despotism and the sovereignty of the people.” I am not one of those persons.
In fact, it is my opinion that BigG has it completely backwards. It is not the exaltation of principles over practicality that will be the death of the U.S., rather it is the sacrifice of our founding principles in the name of the practicality of so-called “compromise. “
Dr. Samuel Gregg of The Acton Institute for the Study of Religion and Liberty (a religious institute), explains:
In Democracy in America, Tocqueville suggested that democracy was capable of breeding its own form of despotism, albeit one without the edges of Jacobin or Bonapartist dictatorship with which Europeans were all too familiar. The book spoke of “an immense protective power” which took all responsibility for everyone's happiness-just so long as this power remained “sole agent and judge of it.” This power, Tocqueville wrote, would “resemble parental authority” but would try to keep people “in perpetual childhood” by relieving people “from all the trouble of thinking and all the cares of living.”
Such circumstances might arise, Tocqueville noted, if democracy's progress was accompanied by demands for a leveling of social conditions. The danger was that an obsession with equality was very compatible with increasingly centralized state-power. Leveling social conditions, Tocqueville observed, usually involved using the state to subvert those intermediate associations that reflected social differences, but also limited government-power.
Tocqueville's vision of “soft-despotism” is thus one of arrangements that mutually corrupt citizens and the democratic state. Citizens vote for those politicians who promise to use the state to give them whatever they want. The political-class delivers, so long as citizens do whatever it says is necessary to provide for everyone's desires. The “softness” of this despotism consists of people's voluntary surrender of their liberty and their tendency to look habitually to the state for their needs.
In Volume II, Book 4, Chapter 6 of Democracy in America, de Tocqueville writes the following about soft despotism:
Thus, After having thus successively taken each member of the community in its powerful grasp and fashioned him at will, the supreme power then extends its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with a network of small complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but softened, bent, and guided; men are seldom forced by it to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence; it does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, extinguishes, and stupefies a people, till each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid and industrious animals, of which the government is the shepherd.
I have always thought that servitude of the regular, quiet, and gentle kind which I have just described might be combined more easily than is commonly believed with some of the outward forms of freedom, and that it might even establish itself under the wing of the sovereignty of the people.
Our contemporaries are constantly excited by two conflicting passions: they want to be led, and they wish to remain free. As they cannot destroy either the one or the other of these contrary propensities, they strive to satisfy them both at once. They devise a sole, tutelary, and all-powerful form of government, but elected by the people. They combine the principle of centralization and that of popular sovereignty; this gives them a respite: they console themselves for being in tutelage by the reflection that they have chosen their own guardians. Every man allows himself to be put in leading-strings, because he sees that it is not a person or a class of persons, but the people at large who hold the end of his chain.
By this system the people shake off their state of dependence just long enough to select their master and then relapse into it again. A great many persons at the present day are quite contented with this sort of compromise between administrative despotism and the sovereignty of the people; and they think they have done enough for the protection of individual freedom when they have surrendered it to the power of the nation at large. This does not satisfy me: the nature of him I am to obey signifies less to me than the fact of extorted obedience. I do not deny, however, that a constitution of this kind appears to me to be infinitely preferable to one which, after having concentrated all the powers of government, should vest them in the hands of an irresponsible person or body of persons. Of all the forms that democratic despotism could assume, the latter would assuredly be the worst.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soft_despotism
__________________
It ain't what you don't know that gets you into trouble. It's what you know for sure that just ain't so.” – Mark Twain
One might think that a politics of compromise would be a winning strategy not only for a nomination or an election but also for governing. It promises something for everyone. The problem is that compromise is a terrible narrative — far less simple and appealing than belligerence. Wishy-washy just doesn't cut it. Americans like the idea of strong convictions, even when they are wrong convictions, which puts Democratic candidates and presidents at a major disadvantage against their truculent Republican opponents..
-- Edited by SamuraiLandshark on Monday 27th of December 2010 08:36:48 AM